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101.
《Japan Forum》2012,24(3):399-416
Abstract This article analyses the various motives behind Japan's response to the December 2004 Asian earthquake and tsunami. There was no mono-causal explanation for Japan's tsunami aid policy. The various state, non-state and private actors involved in the policy-making and implementation process each had their own motives but were united by a genuine spirit of humanitarian goodwill. Nevertheless, the tragedy did provide the Japanese government with an opportunity to promote a security agenda by enhancing the legitimacy of the Self-Defence Forces (SDF) and strengthening military relations with the US. Tokyo also took advantage of the tsunami to pursue politico-diplomatic objectives. Prominent among these were two interrelated goals: the bid for a permanent seat on the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) and a desire to diplomatically outshine China. 相似文献
102.
《Japan Forum》2012,24(2):135-137
Abstract It has become fashionable to write off lifetime employment or long‐term employment (LTE) in Japan as a relic of the past. In a sense this is comforting, since it suggests the Japanese are not immune to the maladies of advanced capitalism and industrial decline, and obviates the need to take Japanese employment institutions seriously. Yet it is significant that, even after an unprecedented recession, there is little statistical evidence for the demise of LTE. Japan's unemployment rate remains the lowest among OECD countries. A colloquium was organized to examine the fate of LTE, and the institutional and policy complex which supports it, in the context of prolonged recession and restructuring. Edited contributions here examine recent restructuring and employment adjustment measures, with case studies, the employers' and unions' perspectives on the future of LTE, and prospects for new job creation and revitalization of the economy. They identify forces for, and probable directions of, change, but they also point to the durability of key elements. The consensus supporting LTE and Japan's ‘employment society’ has not crumbled. Japan should be taken more seriously at job summits on tackling unemployment in OECD countries. 相似文献
103.
当前我国正处于社会转型的关键时期,公安工作所面临的政治、经济、法律、文化等各方面的环境发生了深刻的变化.近年来,我国警察执法公信力之所以受到各方的关注,其原因不仅在于公安机关本身,还在于公安工作所面临的外部环境发生了变化,如行政权力干预、民生问题、公众的认知、新闻媒体的报道等都会对警察执法公信力产生影响. 相似文献
104.
从海尔和春兰的比较看企业的多元化战略 总被引:7,自引:0,他引:7
本通过对海尔和春兰的多元化战略在动机、类型、途径和运行效果等方面的不同特点的比较与分析,对中国企业发展多元化战略得出了一些规律性认识:(1)成功的专业化经营基础和主导产业的核心竞争力是成功的多元化战略的必要条件;(2)兼并是企业多元化扩展的一种有效途径;(3)企业一般不宜进行大规模的低相关扩展。 相似文献
105.
Carolina T. Maciel 《Contemporary Politics》2015,21(4):435-450
As a sensitive area in international trade, animal welfare measures have encountered resistance in negotiations at the World Trade Organization (WTO). Consequently, alternative avenues have been pursued to reach international trade policy convergence. To further understand the contemporary trade politics of animal welfare, an empirical investigation was conducted on the interplay between European and Brazilian actors in the context of livestock production. By drawing upon diplomatic studies and the global governance literature, this study identifies and analyses initiatives that parallel the WTO approach and through which the development and implementation of mutually acceptable farm animal welfare measures have been pursued. Research findings indicate that a constellation of international non-diplomatic actors are currently engaged in influencing the future development of farm animal welfare measures. Among the initiatives that enable the alignment of European and Brazilian animal welfare policies and practices, there are soft instruments such as knowledge sharing and private standards. The rise of new actors and the use of soft instruments have been, to a certain extent, able to mitigate the tardiness of a WTO consensus regarding the use of animal welfare measures. However, there are concerns that the use of private standards has become a shortcut to circumvent the rigours of the multilateral trading system. This concern deserves a closer look because instead of paving the way, private standards may hamper trade relations which in turn hamper progress in animal welfare matters. 相似文献
106.
Sina Salessi 《Third world quarterly》2015,36(2):416-430
The fourth volume of Michael Mann’s The Sources of Social Power is the last in his historical sociological series, which has centred on an analysis of ideological, economic, military and political power in human societies from the start of civilisation. Mann’s final volume provides an important overview of the period of American hegemony and its worldwide effects, the rise and crisis of neoliberalism, the contrasting fates of the USSR and Maoist China, the vagaries of American empire, and modern revolutions. The implications of his study, particularly regarding the history and theory of revolutions, are of the utmost value to anyone on the Revolutionary Left today, especially in the Third World. While Mann’s study is primarily focused on the West, it provides important lessons to be drawn for the Third World. 相似文献
107.
Mohammad Soltaninejad 《Asian Politics & Policy》2015,7(3):455-475
The interim nuclear agreement between Iran and the United States (under Iran‐P5 + 1 umbrella) in November 2013 revived attention to the problem of the Iran‐U.S. conflict and its resolution. The key issues to understand are: first, the reasons for the start of nuclear dispute resolution between Iran and the United States despite failure of all the past reconciliation initiatives; and second, the agreement's implications for overall conflict resolution between the two countries. Relying on the “ripeness theory” and its development in response to criticisms, the central argument of the article is that the start of direct negotiations and efforts of Iran and the United States to reach agreement over the nuclear dispute is due to ripeness of the overall Iran‐U.S. conflict as a result of a nuclear “asymmetric hurting stalemate.” Explaining the factors that disrupt normalization of relations under conditions of ripeness, the article presents four scenarios for the future of Iran‐U.S. relations. 相似文献
108.
This article traces the role of the EU institutions in the process leading up to the EU–Turkey Action Plan and EU–Turkey Statement. The EU–Turkey deal is the proverbial ‘orphan’ in EU crises management, with none of the key actors and institutions eager to claim ownership. Yet when judged from the perspective of process management, the deal resulted from effective inter-institutional collaboration, which stands in stark contrast to the EU’s handling of the relocation schemes or the Dublin reform. Using insights from the informal governance literature, the article maps the inter-institutional network that managed this process, traces the activities within the network, and determines the effects these had on the final outcome. On an analytical level, the mechanism contains five key elements of informal institutional governance: linking, bridging, shielding, laying out the tracks and creative fixes. The conclusion reflects on the wider applicability and scope conditions of this mechanism. 相似文献
109.
Gregory D. Koblentz 《Terrorism and Political Violence》2013,25(4):501-520
Since the mid-1990s, academic and policy communities have debated the risk posed by terrorist use of chemical, biological, radiological, or nuclear (CBRN) weapons. Three major schools of thought in the debate have emerged: the optimists, the pessimists, and the pragmatists. Although these three schools of thought draw on the same limited universe of data on CBRN terrorism, they arrive at strikingly different conclusions. Given the highly subjective process of CBRN terrorism risk assessment, this article analyzes the influence of mental shortcuts (called heuristics) and the systemic errors they create (called biases) on the risk assessment process. This article identifies and provides illustrative examples of a range of heuristics and biases that lead to the underestimation of risks, the overestimation of risks and, most importantly, those that degrade the quality of the debate about the level of risk. While these types of biases are commonly seen as affecting the public's perception of risk, such biases can also be found in risk assessments by experts. The article concludes with recommendations for improving the CBRN risk assessment process. 相似文献
110.
Ryan Shaffer 《Terrorism and Political Violence》2013,25(2):346-348
ABSTRACTThose who study terrorism are familiar with the claim that suicide attacks are the most lethal form of terrorism today. Suicide attacks kill more people on average than non-suicide attacks, thereby justifying why terrorist organizations use this costly method of attack and explaining in part why suicide tactics have proliferated. However, extant empirical support for this claim is largely insufficient, focusing only on macro-level analysis of lethality data. Using data from the Global Terrorism Database, this study examines variation in lethality among suicide and non-suicide attacks based on geographic location, attack type, and target/victim type. It also introduces a new metric—the lethality ratio—to measure costs and benefits of attacks in terms of lives lost. It finds that, although suicide tactics are generally more lethal than non-suicide tactics, they also come at greater costs to the organization. This analysis also finds behavior that is inconsistent with the premise that terrorist groups are focused on maximizing lethality while reducing costs in all cases; that despite certain advantages, suicide attacks may remain a suboptimal tactic from the perspective of the terrorist group; and that additional criteria may help explain why suicide tactics are used. 相似文献