冷战后中国—东盟关系的英国学派分析

本文首先对英国学派的国际社会理论进行了梳理,详细分析了国际体系、国际社会和世界社会的关系,并用此分析冷战后的中国—东盟关系。本文认为中国—东盟之间还没有形成成熟的国际社会,主要依据有:两者缺乏共同的核心价值观,两者关系的机制化程度不高。所以,要改善中国与东盟的关系,至少做到:加强中国与东盟的跨文化交流,真正发挥双边国际制度的作用。     

试析中国与印尼经贸关系存在的问题

近年来,中国与印尼经贸合作关系发展很快,两国双边贸易和中国对印尼基础设施建设的投资顺利发展,但也存在一些问题和障碍,尤其是中国一些商品对印尼的冲击引起印尼部分企业界的不满。本文拟对两国经贸关系存在问题,尤其是印尼纺织服装业受中国产品的冲击进行分析,提出解决问题的意见,以利于促进两国经贸关系的进一步发展。     

Scale, technique and composition effects in the Mexican agricultural sector: the influence of NAFTA and the institutional environment

More than a decade after NAFTA (North American Free Trade Agreement) entered into force, the environmental effects of agricultural trade liberalization in Mexico are still controversial, emerging, and not fully understood. This paper contributes to the literature that aims to explore trends in input use in the agricultural sector in Mexico during the post-NAFTA period among both commercial/industrial and traditional/rainfed farmers, and examines the influence of the national and multilateral institutional framework on these outcomes. We decompose the post-NAFTA agricultural production data into scale, technique and composition effects to estimate the impact that trade liberalization has had on the use of fertilizer and land use, two key agricultural inputs for which reliable aggregate data is available. We conclude that among commercial farmers patterns of crop type specialization and significant technological improvements have led to some declines in fertilizer use but they have been offset by growth in fertilizer use associated with growing agricultural output. Among traditional farmers increased output and specialization in land-intensive grain crops are contributing to an increase in land under cultivation and technological improvements show the potential, but not yet not the strength, to counteract these effects. We analyse the environmental institutional framework and rural development plans, observing that institutional weaknesses have, in several instances, reduced the environmental benefit of technique and composition effects. We conclude with recommendations about how the Mexican agricultural sector might reap the environmental benefits of international agricultural trade.     

论《天坛宪草》的国家权力配置

《天坛宪草》中国会与立法权力优越过度的国家权力配置具体表现为:超强的国会和立法权力;受到严格制约的总统和国务院以及行政权力;漂移的法院和司法权力;纵向的国家权力配置阙失;法律工具主义隐身于权力之争。国会与立法权力优越过度的配置模式与法律工具主义的缺陷成为招致宪法草案胎死腹中之命运的一个关键因素和直接诱因。     

中国现行法律解释制度研究

法律解释制度是国家法律制度整体中具有辐射性和跨越性的重要制度。全国人大常委会行使首要的法律解释权 ,解释法律应当遵循五道程序 ,法律解释同法律具有同等效力 ,最高司法机关可以就司法中具体应用法律的问题进行解释 ,这些内容构成了中国现行法律解释的制度框架。这一制度框架中 ,立法法规定的法律解释制度在法律意义上是成立的 ,1981年全国人大常委会关于加强法律解释工作的决议是否合法则存在疑问。现今绝大多数国家一般都以司法机关为主要的法律解释主体。中国实际采行的则是全国人大常委会和最高司法机关都解释法律的二元化体制 ,前者是法律上的首要法律解释主体 ,后者则是实践中最主要的法律解释主体。几十年间 ,全国人大常委会所作的法律解释为数非常有限 ,倒是法律上处于其次地位的最高司法机关的法律解释为数甚多。在人民代表大会制度下 ,由全国人大常委会行使首要的和主要的法律解释权 ,在逻辑上是成立的。然而逻辑上成立未必能完全解决问题。全国人大常委会会期不足因而不能随时根据需要解释法律 ,它并不具体应用法律因而难以适时就法律应用特别是法律适用做出法律解释。转变这种状况 ,单用所谓立法解释、司法解释、行政解释这种颇具中国特色的分类方法是不敷需要的。在法治发达的环境下     

稳定:中国改革和发展的社会阈值——江泽民同志维护社会稳定思想简论

江泽民同志关于维护社会稳定的一系列论述,是十三年来中国共产党第三代中央领导集体坚定不移地贯彻邓小平关于“稳定压倒一切”的思想,正确处理改革、发展、稳定的三者关系,领导全国人民建设中国特色社会主义伟大实践的科学总结,是在实践基础上的理论创新。(一)全面而深刻地揭示了改革、发展、稳定三者的“内在联系”。一是改革、发展、稳定共处于一个统一体,是辩证统一的关系。二是改革、发展、稳定三者间存在着一种总的联系,“把改革的力度、发展的速度和社会可承受的程度统一起来”是其中最有规律性的联系;而“不断改善人民生活”则是这种“总的联系”中的重要结合点。(二)在理论上已初步形成了较为完整的观念体系。一是具备了理论认识价值;二是生成了一系列论述观点的概念集合;三是提出了检验其理论的实践标准。(三)在实践上回答了正确处理改革、发展、稳定三者关系的一系列重大问题,制定了一整套策略措施。一是总揽全局,整体推进;二是注重关联,把握过程;三是抓住关键,巩固基础;四是先务当务之急,不务不急之务;五是为之于未有,治之于未乱。     

关于苏共执政方式转换失败的思考

苏共传统的执政模式具有权力高度集中、个人专断、滥用权力、决策失误和政治腐败等严重弊端.苏共对其执政模式的改革先后犯下了左倾和右倾错误,从而导致改革的失败.苏共执政模式的衰败是苏共丧失执政地位的重要制度性因素.在新的挑战面前,社会主义国家执政党必须实现执政方式的转换.在遵循适时、稳定和渐进原则的前提下,变具有强制性、直接性、集权性、人治性的传统执政方式为具有合法性、间接性、民主性、法治性的现代执政方式.     

鼎立统一：“一分为三”的表现形式之一

“一分为三”命题包括鼎立统一。在中国哲学史上,鼎立统一即三足鼎立是有地位的。后来在谈“三”色变的氛围之下,鼎立统一就没有存在的余地了。现在应该充分认识它的哲理性,肯定它的地位、作用和意义,并在实践中加以运用。     

Disciplining Society through the City: The Genesis of City Planning in Brazil and Argentina (1894–1945)

This paper looks at the genesis of a discourse on urbanismo (city planning) in Brazil and Argentina between 1894 and 1945 using the ideas of Michel Foucault on discipline and his concept of bio–power. The demographic pattern of the major cities in both countries from 1890 onwards and the renewals of the centres of these cities are also discussed. Other sections are dedicated to the plans proposed for the same cities in the 1920s and to urban representations, such as ideas about social reform, the role of hygiene as a point of departure for planning, and the relationship of ideas on Taylorism (scientific management) and the city. The paper also discusses the planners opposition to elections, when they claimed that they were the only ones qualified to deal with urban problems and therefore they should be employed in the state apparatus.
Other concerns of the paper are the use of planning as an element of nation building and ideas defining eugenics (race 'betterment') as an important aspect of city planning. I conclude by arguing that, if implemented, city planning was a way of creating an industrial culture, disciplining society through the city, although the industrial proletariat has never made up the majority of the population in Brazil or Argentina. Even if many aspects of the plans proposed for both countries were not implemented, the discourse of planners can be seen as a will to discipline society through the city. This discipline would affect the freedom of movement of human bodies, and is therefore approached through Foucault's concepts of bio–power and discipline     

依法执政的法意省思

依法执政是中国作为执政党的中国共产党在新形势下执政方式的重大调整和深刻转变,是在依法治国、建设社会主义法治国家的时代背景下执政党执政理念法治化的根本体现,也是顺民心遂民愿的明智之举。依法执政理念要作为指引执政党执政实践的正确航标,本身需要从法治而非人治的视角进行明确的梳理和辩思。